In the 1990s it is taken for granted that racism is immoral, associated with thuggishness and ignorance, and should generally be discouraged. Half a century ago racial discrimination and violence was the norm in most of British and America. Today these two countries try to present a new image. The change in outlook on the issue of racism is not, however, all that it seems. While racist attitudes and language have become increasingly unacceptable, the laws that discriminate against black people entering the country have become harsh and brutal.
Prior to the Second World War, racial
discrimination was largely seen as "normal" behaviour. For
example, in setting up the founding charter of the League of Nations
in 1919, President Woodrow Wilson dismissed the Japanese request for a
racial equality clause.
Immigration policies
prior to the Second World War discriminated unashamedly. In 1882, the
United States Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act which was
copied by Canada in 1885.
By the Second World War three elements, broadly speaking, came together to shift opinion on the issue of racial discrimination. These were: black people's political challenge to their treatment, a growing lack of confidence in the "white rule" of the Colonies, and the association of the notion of white superiority with the Nazis.
During the war, the BBC directed its overseas service to
edit out the word "nigger" and "native" from its
broadcasts.
Although many people were encouraged to come to
Britain to fill menial jobs in the post-war economy, the British
government was already discussing how it could put a stop to a
"significant change in the racial character of the English
people".
"I appreciate the force of
the contention that, if we are to legislate for restrictions on the
entry of British subjects and their employment here, the legislation
should be non-discriminatory in form This will not, however, conceal
the fact that the problem with which we are in fact concerned is that
of coloured immigration for colonial territories."
The fear
that the government would be exposed as having a racist interest in
the issue of immigration meant that the tightening of immigration
controls in Britain began gradually. As to opposition failed to
challenge the view that "resources are limited", "people are
about to arrive in floods", and more generally that "black
people are a problem and unwelcome here", so the Government
introduced more and more restrictive controls. Every new piece of
legislation has simply reaffirmed the fear of the "problem of
immigration".
In 1962 employment vouchers were introduced for
those brought to work in Britain while the Commonwealth Immigrants Act
took away the right of Commonwealth citizens to enter and live in
Britain. The Immigration Act of 1968 amended the 1962 Act to prevent
expelled Kenyan Asians with British passports from entering
Britain. Even the right-wing commentator Auberon Waugh, writing in the
Spectator, remarked that it was "one of the most immoral pieces of
legislation".
What is particularly noticeable is that as soon as the
formal right to free movement became practically possible for people
from the Third World, the government acted systematically to withdraw
that avenue. Despite continuing net emigration from Britain,
The 1993 Asylum and Immigration Appeals Act encouraged the imprisonment of many of those waiting for asylum, a principle that had begun with the 1971 Act which permitted "illegal immigrants" to be detained. Across Britain, in prisons, detention centres and police cells, there are roughly 700 people imprisoned at any one time awaiting a decision by an Immigration Officer. The 1996 Immigration and Asylum Act will create a "fast track" system where individuals cases of refugees are not even considered if they have arrived from certain countries. Moreover, refugees used to be able to claim income support and housing benefit while their asylum claims were being processed - as sometimes this can take two years. Since the new 1996 Act, however, social security rules have been changed. Refugees who do not apply for asylum at the port of entry have no right to benefits - leaving them starving and homeless.
On the argument that Britain is a small
country with no money, the British government has repeatedly
introduced measures to stop black people staying in Britain. The Acts
do not mention colour but they have been written with one idea in
mind: to prevent people from Britain's ex-colonies coming to live
here. Britain grew rich from the colonial relationship and still
continues to hold a world status from that association. But the people
that Britain was once proud to call "subjects" are not given any
welcome today. On Christmas Eve 1994 immigration officials imprisoned
an entire plane load - 169 West Indians - in Campsfield House and
stopped them visiting their friends and families for Christmas. The
Home Office complained of "untrustworthy" people likely to
"outstay" their visas. The practice of interrogation at the
airports, the photocopying of passports,
The tragedy of the legislation on immigration is that it has entrenched the view that "foreigners are a problem". British newspapers regularly print scare stories about "illegal immigrants". This has been mirrored by Parliament passing yet more Immigration Acts. With little opposition, the anti-immigrant brigade have formed a new consensus. But the new language of limited resources only justifies old fashioned racial discrimination. And that discrimination has been entrenched by an educated elite in power - not, as it is often supposed, by the ignorance of those out of power.
The Campaign to Close Campsfield believes that it is time for us to question the idea that immigrants create a problem. It is time to ask why asylum-seekers and immigrants are treated like criminals. It is time to stop not just the racist rhetoric but the laws that enforce discrimination.
References
1. Paul
Lauren, Power and Prejudice: the Politics and Diplomacy of Racial
Discrimination, Colorado, 1988, p.93
2. Sir Frederick Lugard, author
of the "bible" of colonial administration in the 1920s The Dual
Mandate, in his article: "The Problem of Colour in Relation to the
Idea of Equality", Journal of Philosophical Studies, Vol.1, No.2,
April 1926, p.213
3. Mike Davis, City of Quartz: Excavating the
Future of Los Angeles, Vintage, 1992 (orig 1990), p.163. The Federal
Housing Authority sanctioned restrictions on who could move into which
neighbourhood because they supposed this was the way to maintain house
prices (and thereby their mortgage repayments). They also developed a
formula for developers to use in their subdivision contracts which
maintained the policy of segregation. See also John Denton, Apartheid
American Style, Berkeley, 1967 and Marc Weiss, The Rise of the
Community Builders: the American Real Estate Industry and Urban Land
Planning, New York, 1987
4. Hugh Tinker, Race, Conflict and the
International Order: From Empire to United Nations, Macmillan, 1977,
p.19
5. Richard Skellington, "Race" in Britain Today, Sage,
1996 (orig 1992), p.66
6. Hugh Tinker, Race, Conflict and the
International Order: From Empire to United Nations, Macmillan, 1977,
p.20
7. Minute by NJB Sabine, Head of Publicity department, 24 March
1941, CO 859/40/4
8. The Colonial Office wasted no time in
incorporating Hailey's concept into its evolving vocabulary.
During a Commons debate on 24 June, Harold Macmillan, the
Parliamentary Under-Secretary, stated that it was his intention to
develop the idea of `partnership'." J M Lee and Martin
Petter, The Colonial Office, War and Development Policy, Institute of
Commonwealth Studies, London, 1982, p.126
9. Cited in Paul G Lauren,
Power and Prejudice: the Politics and Diplomacy of Racial
Discrimination, Colorado, 1988, p.148
10. Minute 5 July 1948, CO
876/88
11. Cabinet minute, 3 November 1955, CAB 128/29 cited in Kenan
Malik, The Meaning of Race: Race, History and Culture in Western
Society, Macmillan, 1996, p.20
12. Cited in Shirley Joshi and Bob
Carter, "The Role of Labour in the Creation of a Racist
Britain", Race and Class, Vol.25, No.3, 1984
13. Cited in Keith
Tompson, Under Siege, Penguin, 1988, p.64
14. Cited in Richard
Skellington, "Race" in Britain Today, Sage, 1996 (orig 1992),
p.64
15. Spectator, 1 March 1968, cited in Kenan Malik, The Meaning of
Race: Race, History and Culture in Western Society, Macmillan, 1996,
p.24
16. Figures from Office of Population and Census Surveys, 1982:
Population change due to immigration and emigration:
Decade 1951-61
+12,000
Decade 1961-71 -320,000
Decade 1971-81 -391,000 Cumulative
total: -699,000. Cited in Keith Tompson, Under Siege, Penguin, 1988,
p.159
No figures for 1981-91. But "Research complied by the Office
of Population Censuses and Surveys in London and the European
Commission in Brussels suggests that emigration is running at its
highest level for more than 10 years." Guardian, 9 May 1995
17. The
number of racist murders has a strong correlation with the number of
deportation orders issued. See Keith Tompson, Under Siege, Penguin,
1988, pp.169-171
18. Independent, 10 November 1995